In order to begin this investigation, it is first helpful to consider the underlying tenets of feminism and the specific ideologies that feminists use to understand and conceptualize the world. Critically reviewing what has been written about the definition of feminism, it becomes evident that different scholars looking at this issue have noted significantly different definitions for this same movement. For instance, Asanti (1997) argues that as defined by Webster’s dictionary feminism is “the theory of political, economic and social equality of the sexes or organized activity on behalf of women’s rights and interests” (p. 44). This author goes on to note that, for many, this definition does not adequately encompass how most women feel about feminism. As such, Asanti argues that, “Feminism has many shapes and forms. Its definition is highly personal, forever changing and it is most certainly part of the women’s movement…” (p. 44).
Arnold (2000) in her examination of the definition of modern feminism argues that women and men have both positive and negative definitions for this term. In particular, Arnold notes that overall women and men defining feminism as a positive force have argued that feminism is “a belief in women’s rights and equality” (p. 15). In order to uphold these rights many respondents argued that action must be taken to ensure that women have the same rights and privileges as men. Negative definitions of feminism detail this process as one “related to women seeing themselves as superior to men or men seeing themselves as superior to women” (p. 15). Overall, what this data suggests is that feminism is defined in a context of how women see themselves relative to men in society. Feminism is then a judgment based on perceived inequalities that exist between men and women in society.
Because it is quite evident that modern definitions of feminism make it difficult to fully or accurately develop a clear definition of feminism, it is helpful to look to the historical development of the feminist movement as a means to conceptualize a definition for feminism. Ramazanoglu (1989) in her efforts to better define and conceptualize feminism has examined the history of the feminist movement. In her assessment of feminism, she notes several characteristics to feminism that appear to pervade all definitions that have been offered with respect to feminist theory. Specifically, Ramazanoglu notes the following characteristics as common to all definitions of feminism:
All versions of feminism assert that the existing relations between the sexes, in which women are subordinated to men, are unsatisfactory and ought to be changed.
Feminism challenges much that is taken for granted as natural, normal and desirable in our various societies.
Feminism is not simply ideas. Its point is to change the world, to transform the relations between women and men so that all people can have more chance to fulfill their whole human potential.
Feminism comprises very varied political practices but these are all aimed at changing the relations between the sexes by giving women control over their own lives (p. 8-9).
In this context, Ramazanoglu argues that feminism is both a social and political movement that seeks to establish equality for women.
Feminism, Pregnancy and Motherhood
With a basic overview of feminist ideology defined, it is now possible to examine how the issues of pregnancy and motherhood have been shaped by feminist thought. Ramazanoglu (1989) in her examination of the issue of motherhood notes that early feminists saw the constraints of motherhood as an inherently patriarchal bond of a male-dominated society. According to Ramazanoglu, men have historically used the biological position of women to regulate their activities in society. Because women were seen as mothers and nurtures, men argued that women should the regulated to the home, providing for children. This social and economic oppression created a system in which women became notably disenfranchised from the larger whole of society. As such, Ramazanoglu contends that many early feminists began to react to the oppression that had been placed upon them as a result of these constraints.
As early feminist attempted to blaze a trail that would lead to economic and social independence, they began to set a precedent for feminist ideology. Johnston (1992) notes that feminists in the late 1950s and 60s presented a portrait of the modern American woman as one who could successfully be wife, mother and professional. Unfortunately, even though feminists supported this ideology, society did not have the infrastructure in place to help women achieve these goals. According to Johnston, “Combining motherhood and a job, much less a career, demanded almost Herculean effort. No network of child-care centers offered assistance to women who might want to combine the two. […] Options for women were circumscribed by the structural discrimination against women in the labor force” (p. 209). In addition, feminists of the 1950s and 60s came to view the oppression of women as integrally tied to biology, pregnancy and motherhood.
With no real means to escape the confines of the patriarchal society that regulated women to the home, women had no choice but to take a more active role in their efforts to control their bodies and reproduction. Thus, it is not surprising to find that as the feminist consciousness began to develop in the US, so too did political and social efforts to provide birth control to women. Conlin (2004) in her examination of birth control policies in the US notes that up until the 1960s, women were given few options for protecting themselves from unwanted pregnancies:
This was an America where buying a single condom made you a criminal in 30 states; where priests told women who used black-market diaphragms that they would be haunted by the faces of their unborn children; and where some women…who got pregnant 18 times and had 11 children and 7 miscarriages, died an early death from the ravages of so many births (p. 18).
What this effectively suggests is that the issue of birth control became a critical issue for women seeking to control their lives and garner some degree of social and economic equality.
As feminists fought for birth control and further to secure the right to abortion, it becomes evident that the feminist movement in the US became highly centered on the biology of women. What is perhaps most paradoxical about this situation is that the same issue that had served as the basis for the oppression of women was now the issue that was critical for women’s autonomy and independence. Johnston (1992) argues that after years of being subordinated by men because of their biology women now faced an even greater challenge: being given the right to govern the biology of their own bodies. This issue is one that was highly contentious as those in charge of making these critical decisions about the health and well being of women were ultimately men.
Clearly, the feminist movement of the 1950s and 60s had a profound impact on both society and women. For women greater access to birth control was acquired and women could make decisions about when, or even if, to become pregnant. With this basic right secured, women could now actively pursue their needs and desires, without having to rely on men to provide the economic basis to do so. When placed in this perspective, it would seem that both pregnancy and motherhood would be viewed by feminists as a choice for women to make. Because of the advances made by women in the 1950s and 60s, women’s bodies were no longer controlled by men. Therefore, the choice to become a mother is one that is empowering because it ultimately represents a choice.
Even though the above logic does indeed make sense, the reality is that the 1960s do not represent the end of feminist discourse in the United States. Even though women had made notable strides toward advancing the rights of women, many feminists still believe that the oppression of men was still alive and well. For instance, feminist scholars examining the issue of abortion now believe that this practice is used by men as a means for them to assert control over certain groups of women in society. Murphy (2003) reports that a large number of abortions are sought by low-income women, who assert that they cannot financially support a child. In this context Murphy argues that the social construction of society is not one that supports the decision of a woman to have a child. Rather, what is supported in this context is male oppression over women who cannot provide a financially stable environment for their children. When placed in this context, it is evident that abortion has become a means for men to again to control women.
When the debate over abortion is placed in this perspective, it becomes evident that some feminists believe that men are still using their power to assert their control over women’s bodies. As such, pregnancy and motherhood are still seen as contentious issues by feminists. Although the decision of the woman to become pregnant and have a child is one that should represent the empowerment of women-as it should reflect a choice made by the woman to use her body as she sees fit-the reality is that not all women are given the same access to birth control, abortion and even the economic resources needed to ensure that the mother will be able to take care of the child. Thus, even though pregnancy and motherhood in modern society should represent a culmination of women’s rights and feminist ideologies, it still has not yet reached this apex. Women are still subordinated by their biology and men still control the policies that make it possible (or impossible) for women to control their own bodies.
Conclusion
Unfortunately, the divergence of opinion of feminist scholars on the issues of pregnancy and motherhood has promulgated some degree of dissention among feminists, making it difficult for scholars to fully understand how feminists view these issues. Reger (2001) argues that, “Because of these different approaches and responses, feminism’s relationship with motherhood is a tumultuous one, lasing one social observe to conclude that motherhood “is a problem that modern feminists cannot face” (p. 86). Feminists have become so caught up in the specific ideologies motivating behavior and theory formulation that they have been unable to effectively resolve critical issues that impact the development of women in society. Given that feminism in its broadest context seeks to create “organized activity on behalf of women’s rights and interests” it is paradoxical that feminism has diverged to the point that no one specific conceptualization or understanding of pregnancy and motherhood can be established.
Overall, the central thesis of this investigation was that feminism has created considerable obfuscation when it comes to society’s understanding of pregnancy and motherhood. While it is evident that early feminist conceptualizations of pregnancy and motherhood appear to be quite positive overall-as they appear to represent the empowerment and control of the woman over her body-the divergence of opinion on this subject has only served as the impetus to create a considerable amount of infighting among feminists about the importance and role that pregnancy and motherhood play in the larger context of women’s overall development. While some feminists continue to believe that pregnancy and motherhood clearly reflect a choice, other feminists continue to argue that men’s control of women’s bodies continues, making pregnancy and motherhood an oppressive reality.
With so much dissention among feminists, it is not surprising to find that so many women have been disenfranchised from the feminist movement. When women cannot agree on the importance of critical issues such as pregnancy and motherhood, women have no choice but to tune out the arguments in order to find happiness with their personal decisions. In many cases, women will find happiness in their decision to have children. In other cases, women will find happiness in their decision to remain childless. Because modern feminism clearly offers no real insightful understanding on these issues, women simply must make the decision that best suits their personal values and beliefs.
References
Arnold, L.B. (2000). What is a feminist? Students’ descriptions. Women & Language, 23(2), 8-18.
Asanti, T. (1997). The modern feminist movement. Lesbian News, 22(8), 44.
Conlin, M. (2004). Birth control of a nation. Business Week, 3899, 18.
Johnston, C. (1992). Sexual Power: Feminism and the Family in America. Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press.
Murphy, E.M. (2003). Being born female is dangerous for your health. American Psychologist, 58(3), 205-210.
Ramazanoglu, C. (1989). Feminism and the Contradictions of Oppression. London: Routledge.
Reger, J. (2001). Motherhood and the construction of feminist identities: Variations in a women’s movement organization. Sociological Inquiry, 71(1), 85-110.
